American Mystic: Memoirs of a Happy Man. In the tradition of great spiritual memoirs, such as "Autobiography of a Yogi" by Paramahansa Yogananda or "Meetings with Remarkable Men" by Gurdjieff, Ramana's life brings us into a. Starting from the research design process, the book covers funding, case studies, ethnography, grounded theory, participative inquiry and much more - offering a range of methods that can be employed in any study.
Outstanding contributors thoroughly cover each topic. This is a great text on the subject. Kudos to the authors! Zeisel invites us into the tent to inspire us with the biggest idea of all: that neuroscience can help us create places that enhance the performance of Brand: Norton, W.
Creswell and new co-author Cheryl N. Poth explore the philosophical underpinnings, history, and key elements of five qualitative inquiry approaches: narrative research, phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography, and case study. Contextual Inquiry for Medical Device Design helps users understand the everyday use of medical devices and the way their usage supports the development of better products and increased market acceptance. The text explains the concept of contextual inquiry.
Qualitative Inquiry And Research hankins-farms. This book is a comprehensive, in-depth guide for teachers who want to build classroom inquiries based on the College, Career, and Civic Life C3 Framework.
The authors demonstrate how to construct effective Inquiry Design Model IDM blueprints that incorporate engaging questions, tasks, and sources. This book was written Author: Muhammad Ishtiaq. Last edited by Dairamar. Want to Read. Share this book. The clerkly maker. Whose family values! Police struggle to maneuver stretcher Hallway waiting causes traffic prob- through the crowd of nurses and lems for stretcher cases. Patient is put in examining room. Curtain pulled part-way closed by last policeman to leave.
Patients waiting in corridor have full This probably bothers patients being view of patient in exam room. A policeman wheels stretcher out back door into middle of waiting area, while another tells a nurse the details This public discussion surely seems about the woman they brought in, like an invasion of privacy.
Nurse leaves nurse's station, walks Nurse in her "station" cannot see the around counter into corridor, scans informal or overflow waiting area in all patients waiting there. She walks corridor. What are the design impli- up to one man who is seated, stands cations? Behavior of nurse in telling three feet away and tells him the lab results is another type of invasion results of lab tests and what they of privacy.
Doctor walks over and asks same patient to go into exam room with him. Doctor's voice, shouting angrily, What acoustical control is needed in comes from an exam room.
Doctor leaves nurse's station, Consultation in waiting areas may be approaches woman waiting in standard emergency-room procedure?
Other patients sitting nearby watch and occasionally speak to each other. Sound of friendly chatter, laughing Does this perhaps relax people in from one exam room. Graham Foundation Fellowship Report. Cambridge, Mass. What to a researcher are harmless descriptions of the obvious, to participants can be highly insulting snooping.
Precoded Checklists Descriptive notes provide a qualitative understanding of what is going on: what types of behavior patterns there are, what characteristics of participants are salient, and what level of descriptive abstraction is appropriate to solve a problem.
If researchers want to know in greater detail how often an activity takes place, they can use qualitative observation data to develop a precoded checklist for counting. The qualitative approach serves in such situations as the diagnostic phase of the research project. In their study of behavior on a psychiatric ward, Ittelson, Rivlin, and Proshansky recorded over descriptions of behaviors during extended periods of time. For example, patient reclines on bench, hand over face, but not asleep; patient cleans table with sponge; patient plays soccer in corridor; patient sits on cans in hall watching people go by.
For counting purposes, they coded the descriptions into categories representing types of activities observed, such as lying awake, housekeeping, games, and watching an activity. For each activity on a checklist, observers record characteristics of participants alone or in groups , place, time, and other relevant conditions, such as the weather. Perhaps the most significant task in developing a checklist is specifying the descriptive level of abstraction to record. Ittelson et al. Rather than describe subjects in terms of approximate age, sex, weight, and height, which might be relevant to a study of children's play equipment, observers in the psychiatric ward coded sex of subject, whether acting alone or in a group, and, if in a group, of what size and sex mix.
To set up a checklist demands previous diagnostic observation, a thorough understanding of how the data will be used, and an understanding of how to develop coding categories.
Once a precoded checklist is set up, it provides relatively comparable quantifiable data with only a moderate amount of training for observers. Looking at behavior recorded on maps can give investigators a better sense of how a whole place is used at once than looking at statistical tables. Maps are also useful to record sequences of behavior in settings where people have a choice of several paths: from home to bus stop, from desk to desk in an open-plan office. Analyzing map records in the light of an actual setting can give an idea of the characteristics of popular paths.
If investigators want precise physical-location data, they can construct base maps with grids corresponding to regular elements in the actual setting, such as floor tiles or columns.
Photographs Still photographs can capture subtleties that other methods may not record: the way someone sits on a chair or leans against a column; the way two persons avoid looking at each other by adjusting their body postures. In addition, as presented in Chapter 7, photographs are useful throughout a research project because of their illustrative quality.
The same procedures hold for deciding on photographs to record behavior as were described for using photographs to record physical traces. Videotapes and Movies Whenever time is a significant element in an E-B problem, motion photog- raphy-videotape or movies-ought to be considered. For example, urban design of streets for handicapped and older people demands understanding their pace: how fast do they move, how long can they move before resting, how fast can they move out of other people's way?
Everyone watches people every day. Doesn't everyone know how to do it? In a way, yes; but few know what to look for and how to analyze what they see so that it is useful to design. Designers make places for people to do things in-either alone or together with other people. A structure for looking at environmental behavior useful to designers results in data to help physical designers make decisions that improve places for people. The better information designers have about how the people they design for behave in physical settings and how those people relate to or exclude other people, the better they can control the behavioral side effects of the design decisions they make.
Designers must also know how the contexts of observed activities affect the activities, because in different sociocultural and physical settings the same behavior can have different design implications. For example, children may do homework at the kitchen table for different reasons in a house with several available rooms to study in than in a one-bedroom apartment where four people are living.
In some groups people react to neighbors sitting on the front stoop with disdain, while for others the front rather than the back is where everyone sits.
When you structure the way you look at something, you replace complex reality with a simpler version to guide your reactions and action. To increase our control over the behavioral side effects of design decisions, we can describe behavior in terms of actor, act, significant others, relationships, context, and setting see box. Significant Others In what relationship, Relationships aural, visual, tactile, olfactory, symbolic in what context, Sociocultural Context situation culture and where?
Physical Setting props spatial relations The following illustrations are verbally annotated to show how you can use these observation categories to describe environmental behavior in actual situations. Each observation comprises a relationship between an actor and a significant other to which the physical setting in some way contributes. Designers can use research in large design projects to better understand similarities and variations among types of people. For example, instead of designing a school for unique individuals, a designer can use research to differentiate the needs of students, teachers, principals, and maintenance workers.
Nursing homes can be planned for patients, nurses, doctors, maintenance crews, and visitors; furniture can be designed for the range of people who work in offices. In a sense, individuals in observations are treated as representatives of a social group. We can use individuals as such representatives by describing a person's social position or status: age status, marital status, educational status, professional status, and so on.
It helps to be complete in observations if we describe both a person's ascribed statuses the characteristics that a person has automatically, such as sex and age and his or her achieved statuses those that the person had to do something to get, such as finding a job, graduating from college, getting married, or inviting people to a party.
Many positions are defined as part of a relationship to others: party hostess guests , wife husband , teacher student , nurse patient , salesperson customer. An observer unable in field notes to describe statuses accurately can describe clues from which he and other researchers reading the notes may be able to infer status.
For example, Snyder and Ostrander, in their Oxford nursing-home study , observed people who were patients, family members, visitors, and staff members. After a few days they knew most individuals personally or could infer their status from such things as dress uniform means nurse; bathrobe means patient and tools stethoscope means doctor; sitting in wheelchair means patient. But when they were not sure, they described in their field notes whatever clues they had and whether they were guessing about the person's status.
It is better to record "It could be a nurse's aide resting in the wheelchair" than to write "It is a patient asleep in the corner," so that other researchers can help evaluate the data. Sometimes relevant descriptions of actors in behavioral observations are names of groups-teens, teachers, girls-not individuals. In Zeisel's property damage study a researchers observed groups of boys playing street hockey and stickball in open spaces around schools.
It was not important for their research and design problem to identify each street-hockey participant as an actor in a separate act. Researchers treated the group as the actor, describing the group's size and composition.
Groups can be described in the same status terms as individuals. For example, the psychiatric ward study by Ittelson et al. One pitfall for observers to avoid is subsuming significant individuals under general group descriptions.
A group of two also raises problems for observers: are they a group acting together with common significant others, or do they themselves represent actor and significant other for each other? If they are very similar and are doing the same thing, it may be appropriate to describe them together: two boys playing street hockey with each other, two elderly men playing chess, two women walking down the street together.
However, when the couple is made up of two different types of individuals interacting, it may be useful to describe them separately, seeing one of the two as the actor in the observation: parent and child in the park, nurse and patient in a hospital. But even here, as with all descriptive observation techniques, the researcher's judgment is the most significant determinant of what is important to describe. Doing What: Act The people you observe will be doing something.
An observer needs to decide the level of abstraction he will use to describe behavior and how he will distinguish individual acts from a connected sequence of acts. The level of description observers choose depends mainly on the design and research problem facing them. Let us take as an example an observational study to write a behavioral program for a shopping-center design. Observers could describe very generally that some people there are "shopping" and others are just hanging around.
More precisely, they can describe that some shoppers browse, while others buy something. Or observers might record where and count how often a supermarket patron stops in the aisles. Observers might record how high patrons reach and how low they stoop when getting items off the shelves.
Or observers might go to the trouble to observe and record in what direction patrons turn their heads and focus their eyes while walking down the aisle. Each observation is either interesting or useless, depending on the problem researchers are trying to solve.
The series of design questions in Table shows how each level of described activity might be useful. Along with deciding on appropriate levels of analysis, researchers must explain how the acts they describe relate to one another. In the sequence of acts called "shopping," a person prepares a shopping list, leaves home, goes to the store, looks at items in the store, reaches for them, examines them, walks down the aisle, pays at the cash register, returns home, and unpacks.
Each of these can be seen as a discrete act linked to the others as part of a larger "shopping" sequence. Behavior descriptions and corresponding questions for a shopping center design, by level of detail Behavior Observation Design Question General "Shopping" as opposed In a shopping-center plan, how Description to "hanging around" many places are needed for people to hang around, and how can they be designed to augment rather than interfere with shopping?
Shoppers browsing as How should items be dis- opposed to buying played so that browsers and something buyers can see them but buyers have greater access to them? Where and how often How can flooring materials, shoppers stop in lighting, and aisle length be supermarket aisles designed for maximum conven- ience to customers, maximum exposure of sales items, and minimum maintenance? How high patrons will What shelf design and what reach and how low product placement what size they will stoop container on what shelf will ensure that customers have the easiest time reaching items?
Detailed Where customers' Where should standard signs be Description eyes focus while placed to convey the most in- moving down an aisle formation, and where ought sale signs be located to catch cus- tomers' glances? I have stressed the skill that observers need to decide how and what to describe. It is equally important that they have the ability to describe what they see with minimum interpretation.
Well-recorded observations leave ample time and space for analysis after data have been collected. If observers try to interpret what they see before writing it down, they run the risk of recording interpretations rather than description, losing the data for good. The data cannot be retrieved to be analyzed by others or reviewed later. If data on behavior are to be sharable, it is vital that observers record "a smiling person," not "a happy person," because a smile can mean many things.
Other people whose presence or absence is significant in this way can be seen as participants in the act itself. Girls for whom boys playing street hockey show off make the activity what it is. If they were not there, it would be another situation.
The same is true in reverse for studying alone in the library. Those who are not there-friends, roommates, strangers-contribute to the situation by their absence. To understand and present what is going on, descriptions of girls watching the boys and of absent roommates must be included in research observations of behavior. To continue one of our earlier examples, boys playing street hockey need a hard, flat surface to play on. If this surface is provided for them in the middle of a deserted field far from other activity, it is unlikely to be used, because the "significant others," the girls and passers-by, have not been taken into account.
A tot lot with no places for parents to sit and watch may go unused in favor of a more convenient one or will be used in a different way than the designer had hoped.
In a family, for example, one finds role relationships between parent and child, sister and brother, husband and wife, grandparent and grandchild. In hospitals there are role relationships between doctor and patient, doctor and nurse, patient and nurse, patient and visitor, nurse and visitor, patient and patient. A sensitive researcher observing a doctor making notes in a hospital will use the concept of significant other to direct attention to the relationship the doctor making notes has set up between herself and patients, nurses, and other doctors.
Does she sit among patients in the waiting room, or does she retire to a private lounge? Does she discuss notes with nurses or just hand them in? To design appropriately for notetaking in hospitals, the answers to these relational questions can be important. Relationships Between actors and significant others in a situation there will be specific relationships for observers to describe.
In extreme cases relationships can be described simply: "together" two lovers on a park bench at night or "apart" a prisoner in solitary confinement. Most E-B relationships, however, are not so simple. Are two persons talking to each other through a fence together or apart? What about two persons sitting back-to-back in adjacent restaurant booths? Then researchers and designees can use the information to develop broader strategies for design rather than continually approaching each situation as totally new.
To gather such information, researchers need to agree on a set of categories to describe connections and separations between people, and they must understand how the effects of relationships on activities differ in different behavior settings. Hall shows us that behavioral connections and separations between people in environments can be conveniently and efficiently described in terms of four physiological senses and a symbolic perceptual dimension: seeing visual , hearing aural , touching tactile , smelling olfactory , and perceiving symbolic.
Describing two people as completely together, or "copresent" Goffman, , means that, like two children in the bathtub, they can see, hear, touch, and smell each other, and they feel that they are "in the same place. A mother on the third floor calling to her child playing on the street is connected visually and aurally but is separated in terms of touch, smell, and perception. Two students studying at opposite ends of a long library table are separated symbolically and in terms of smell and touch but are connected visually and aurally.
Persons in an L-shaped living room, around the corner from someone cooking in the kitchen, are separated by sight, touch, and perception but are connected in terms of food smells and sound. Simultaneous connections and separations When observers see and can describe relationships like these, they try to find out what the relationships mean to participants. Although they must use other research methods as well to determine meaning, behavior observation provides clues to meaning.
The clues are the ways people react when other people talk to them, touch them, and so on. It is as if they filtered what they saw through a series of screens-situational and cultural. The screens are usually used unconsciously, as Sommer and Hall have pointed out. People assume that other people see things the same way they themselves do. It is the observer's job to identify how people's situational and cultural screens are constructed-how they interpret their own and others' behavior.
This is particularly important in environmental design research because the meanings people attribute to relationships determine how they react to environmental features, such as walls, doors, and lights, that affect those relationships. A person's sitting alone and apart from others, facing a wall in a library, probably means she wants to be left alone to read or study.
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